Garnier, Romain, “Celtica ignota”, Études Celtiques 44 (2018): 119–131.
- journal article
[EN] All the Latin words of desperate etymology badius, -a, -um [ adj.] ‘ chestnut-colored’, brassica [ f.] ‘ cabbage’, bēta/ bētis [ f.] ‘ beet’ and bīlis [ f.] ‘ bile’ prove to be Celtic loanwords from Northern Italy Continental Celtic, probably borrowed during the Republican period. The Gallo-Romance doublet */ báskia/ [ f.] ‘ hood, net’ and */ báskıta/ [ f.] ‘ net for carrying load’ reflects a Gaulish stem * baski-‘ bundle,’ whose Continental Celtic (maybe Lepontic) counterpart * baχsi- (< Proto-Celt. * baski-‘ bundle, something woven’) could account for the Plautinian word baxeæ [ f. pl.] ‘ a kind of woven shoes with rope soles.’ Those early borrowings from Continental Celtic already show some dialectal features : delabialisation of Proto-Celtic * bodiyo-‘ chestnut-coloured’ into * badiyo-, raising of Proto-Celt. short * e into short i (* gil-wo-‘ pale yellow’ < Proto-Celt. * gel-wo-), metathesis of the cluster *-sk- into *-χs-(* baχsi-< Proto-Celtic * baski-), treatment of the cluster *-st- as *-ss- (cf. * brassikā). In this dialect, Proto-Celtic secondary * ē2 (< PIE * ei) shows no evidence of vowel fracture (cf. * bētā- ‘ to feed’), contrarily to Gaulish * dēnos ‘ quick’ (OIr. dían), which exhibits sometimes an inverted diphthong ia or ie in anthroponyms such as Dienus ‘ Quick’ or Ro-dienus ‘ Very-Quick’ (Delamarre, 2017, p. 227). The Proto-Celtic cluster *-sl- (Cf. * bislis) remains unchanged, differently from the Brittonic dental-epenthesis *-stl-.
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