Bibliography

Frederik
Kortlandt
s. xx / s. xxi

20 publications between 1979 and 2019 indexed
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Works authored

Kortlandt, Frederik, Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic, Leiden Studies in Indo-European17, Amsterdam: Rodopi.  
abstract:
The red thread which runs through this book is a quest for relative chronology of linguistic developments. The probability of a reconstruction can be judged against the background of the transitions which it implies for the linguistic system as a whole. The reconstructions are always bottom-up, never top-down. It follows that the chapters on Germanic can be read without reference to the Indo-European background and that the Indo-Uralic part of the book can be left out of consideration if one does not want to look beyond Proto-Indo-European. The initial chapters of the book offer an introduction to the background and methodology of the reconstructions with a discussion of the spread of the Indo-Europeans, the role of general linguistics in linguistic reconstruction, the nature of mixed languages, the origin of the Goths, the relations between Indo-European, Uralic and Caucasian languages, and the structure and development of Proto-Indo-European. The following chapters deal with the phonology and morphosyntax of Indo-European, Greek, Indo-Iranian and Tocharian. These are followed by a discussion of Germanic phonology, verb classes, verbal and nominal inflexion, and specific issues in English, German and Scandinavian languages. After a short treatment of Albanian, Armenian, Balto-Slavic and Italo-Celtic topics, the volume is concluded with a discussion of Anatolian and Indo-Uralic phonology and morphosyntax. The book is of interest to students of Germanic, Indo-European and historical linguistics.
(source: Rodopi)
abstract:
The red thread which runs through this book is a quest for relative chronology of linguistic developments. The probability of a reconstruction can be judged against the background of the transitions which it implies for the linguistic system as a whole. The reconstructions are always bottom-up, never top-down. It follows that the chapters on Germanic can be read without reference to the Indo-European background and that the Indo-Uralic part of the book can be left out of consideration if one does not want to look beyond Proto-Indo-European. The initial chapters of the book offer an introduction to the background and methodology of the reconstructions with a discussion of the spread of the Indo-Europeans, the role of general linguistics in linguistic reconstruction, the nature of mixed languages, the origin of the Goths, the relations between Indo-European, Uralic and Caucasian languages, and the structure and development of Proto-Indo-European. The following chapters deal with the phonology and morphosyntax of Indo-European, Greek, Indo-Iranian and Tocharian. These are followed by a discussion of Germanic phonology, verb classes, verbal and nominal inflexion, and specific issues in English, German and Scandinavian languages. After a short treatment of Albanian, Armenian, Balto-Slavic and Italo-Celtic topics, the volume is concluded with a discussion of Anatolian and Indo-Uralic phonology and morphosyntax. The book is of interest to students of Germanic, Indo-European and historical linguistics.
(source: Rodopi)
Kortlandt, Frederik, Italo-Celtic origins and prehistoric development of the Irish language, Leiden Studies in Indo-European14, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2007.  
abstract:
This volume offers a discussion of the phonological and morphological development of Old Irish and its Indo-European origins. The emphasis is on the relative chronology of sound changes and on the development of the verbal system. Special attention is devoted to the origin of absolute and relative verb forms, to the rise of the mutations, to the role of thematic and athematic inflexion types in the formation of present classes, preterit[e]s, subjunctives and futures, and to the development of deponents and passive forms. Other topics include infixed and suffixed pronouns, palatalization of consonants and labialization of vowels, and the role of Continental Celtic in the reconstruction of Proto-Celtic. The final chapter provides a detailed analysis of the Latin and other Italic data which are essential to a reconstruction of Proto-Italo-Celtic. The appendix contains a full reconstruction of the Old Irish verbal paradigms, which renders the subject more easily accessible to a wider audience. The book is of interest to Celticists, Latinists, Indo-Europeanists and other historical linguists.
(source: Publisher)
abstract:
This volume offers a discussion of the phonological and morphological development of Old Irish and its Indo-European origins. The emphasis is on the relative chronology of sound changes and on the development of the verbal system. Special attention is devoted to the origin of absolute and relative verb forms, to the rise of the mutations, to the role of thematic and athematic inflexion types in the formation of present classes, preterit[e]s, subjunctives and futures, and to the development of deponents and passive forms. Other topics include infixed and suffixed pronouns, palatalization of consonants and labialization of vowels, and the role of Continental Celtic in the reconstruction of Proto-Celtic. The final chapter provides a detailed analysis of the Latin and other Italic data which are essential to a reconstruction of Proto-Italo-Celtic. The appendix contains a full reconstruction of the Old Irish verbal paradigms, which renders the subject more easily accessible to a wider audience. The book is of interest to Celticists, Latinists, Indo-Europeanists and other historical linguists.
(source: Publisher)


Contributions to journals

Kortlandt, Frederik, “Old Irish absolute and conjunct endings and related issues”, Journal of Indo-European Studies 47 (2019): 241–257.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Old Irish feda, gen. fedot 'Lord' and the 1st sg. absolute ending -a in subjunctives and futures”, Études Celtiques 36 (2008): 115–118.  
abstract:
[FR] Patrick Sims-Williams a défendu l’idée, correcte je crois, (Festschrift Meid, 1999), que le vieil-irlandais nominatif feda, gén. fedot «Seigneur » , dans l’homélie de Cambrai, représente un état ancien des formes qui seront plus tard fíado, fíadat. Cela permet de simplifier ma présentation de l’histoire phonologique du vieil-irlandais (Ériu XXX, 1979), comme celle de sa morphologie (Ériu XXXV, 1984).

[EN] Patrick Sims-Williams has argued (Fs. Meid, 1999), to my mind correctly, that the Old Irish forms nom. feda, gen. fedot ‘ Lord’ in the Cambrai Homily represent an older stage of the later forms fíado, fíadat. This simplifies my account of Old Irish historical phonology (Ériu 30, 1979) and morphology (Ériu 35, 1984).
Journal volume:  Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 36, 2008: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Patrick Sims-Williams a défendu l’idée, correcte je crois, (Festschrift Meid, 1999), que le vieil-irlandais nominatif feda, gén. fedot «Seigneur » , dans l’homélie de Cambrai, représente un état ancien des formes qui seront plus tard fíado, fíadat. Cela permet de simplifier ma présentation de l’histoire phonologique du vieil-irlandais (Ériu XXX, 1979), comme celle de sa morphologie (Ériu XXXV, 1984).

[EN] Patrick Sims-Williams has argued (Fs. Meid, 1999), to my mind correctly, that the Old Irish forms nom. feda, gen. fedot ‘ Lord’ in the Cambrai Homily represent an older stage of the later forms fíado, fíadat. This simplifies my account of Old Irish historical phonology (Ériu 30, 1979) and morphology (Ériu 35, 1984).
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Three notes on the Old Irish verb”, Études Celtiques 34 (1998-2000): 143–146.  
abstract:
[FR] Trois notes étymologiques sur le verbe vieil-irlandais.
1. bá, boí «je fus, il fut» de *bōhu-. — 2. níta, ní «je ne suis pas, il n'est pas» de *nēst (de es-). — 3. tíagu, téit «je vais, il va » de *steigh-.

[EN] 1. bá, boí 'I was, he was' from *bōhu-.. — 2. níta, ní«I am not/is not» from *nēst (de es-). — 3. tíagu, téit 'go(es)' from *steigh-.
Journal volume:  Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 34, 1998-2000: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Trois notes étymologiques sur le verbe vieil-irlandais.
1. bá, boí «je fus, il fut» de *bōhu-. — 2. níta, ní «je ne suis pas, il n'est pas» de *nēst (de es-). — 3. tíagu, téit «je vais, il va » de *steigh-.

[EN] 1. bá, boí 'I was, he was' from *bōhu-.. — 2. níta, ní«I am not/is not» from *nēst (de es-). — 3. tíagu, téit 'go(es)' from *steigh-.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “On the relative chronology of Celtic sound changes”, Historische Sprachforschung 110:2 (1997): 248–251.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Old Irish ol 'inquit'”, Études Celtiques 32 (1996): 143–145.  
abstract:
[FR] Vieil-irlandais ol ‘inquit’.
La distinction entre ol-et al-en italique et en celtique represente une distinction sémantique originale entre un sens inclusif ’beyond, über . . . hinaus, par-delà’ et un sens exclusif ’jenseits, on the other side, au-delà de’. Il n’apparaît pas immédiatement que ol ’inquit’, al (asbert ) ’praeterea (dixit)’ soit identique à la préposition al, ol ’par-delà’. Il y a deux obstacles qui empêchent une identification immédiate, l’absence de lénition après ol ’inquit’ et la présence de -s- dans la forme élargie olse ’said he’. Les difficultés disparaissent si nous prenons ol et olse pour ce qu’ils semblent être, c. à d. des formes verbales deutérotoniques avec un radical zéro. Le meilleur candidat pour cette forme verbale disparue est *égt ’dixit’, grec ē, virl.*í cf. latin aio ’je dis’. Si l’expression *ol-est-ēgt, à la différence des formes verbales régulières, est devenue une formule figée dès avant la lénition, le résultat attendu en vieil-irlandais est olsi ’inquit’ Cela explique le -s-de olsé ‘dit-il’, qui a dû être créé, à l’évidence, lorsque l’on a réinterprété olsí comme signifiant ‘dit-elle’, ce qui a par la suite permis d’employer la forme ol devant un sujet nominal.

[EN] The distinction between ol-and al-in Italic and Celtic represents an original semantic distinction between inclusive ‘beyond, über . . . hinaus’ and exclusive ‘jenseits, on the other side’. It is not obvious that the word ol ‘inquit’ al (asbert) ‘praeterea (dixit)’ is identical with the preposition al, ol ‘beyond’. There are two obstacles which prevent their immediate identification, viz. the absence of lenition after ol ‘inquit’ and the presence of -s-in the extended form olse ‘said he’. The difficulties vanish if we take ol and olse to be what they look like, viz. deuterotonic verb forms with a zero root. The obvious candidate for the lost verb form is *egt ‘said’, Greek ē , OIr. *í , cf. Latin aio 'I say’. If the phrase *ol-est-ēgt, unlike regular verb phrases, became a fixed expression before the lenition already, the expected Old Irish reflex is olsí ‘inquit’. This explains the -s-of olsé ‘said he’, which was evidently created by the reanalysis of ohi as ‘said she’ which subsequently gave rise to the form ol before a nominal subject.
Journal volume:  Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 32, 1996: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Vieil-irlandais ol ‘inquit’.
La distinction entre ol-et al-en italique et en celtique represente une distinction sémantique originale entre un sens inclusif ’beyond, über . . . hinaus, par-delà’ et un sens exclusif ’jenseits, on the other side, au-delà de’. Il n’apparaît pas immédiatement que ol ’inquit’, al (asbert ) ’praeterea (dixit)’ soit identique à la préposition al, ol ’par-delà’. Il y a deux obstacles qui empêchent une identification immédiate, l’absence de lénition après ol ’inquit’ et la présence de -s- dans la forme élargie olse ’said he’. Les difficultés disparaissent si nous prenons ol et olse pour ce qu’ils semblent être, c. à d. des formes verbales deutérotoniques avec un radical zéro. Le meilleur candidat pour cette forme verbale disparue est *égt ’dixit’, grec ē, virl.*í cf. latin aio ’je dis’. Si l’expression *ol-est-ēgt, à la différence des formes verbales régulières, est devenue une formule figée dès avant la lénition, le résultat attendu en vieil-irlandais est olsi ’inquit’ Cela explique le -s-de olsé ‘dit-il’, qui a dû être créé, à l’évidence, lorsque l’on a réinterprété olsí comme signifiant ‘dit-elle’, ce qui a par la suite permis d’employer la forme ol devant un sujet nominal.

[EN] The distinction between ol-and al-in Italic and Celtic represents an original semantic distinction between inclusive ‘beyond, über . . . hinaus’ and exclusive ‘jenseits, on the other side’. It is not obvious that the word ol ‘inquit’ al (asbert) ‘praeterea (dixit)’ is identical with the preposition al, ol ‘beyond’. There are two obstacles which prevent their immediate identification, viz. the absence of lenition after ol ‘inquit’ and the presence of -s-in the extended form olse ‘said he’. The difficulties vanish if we take ol and olse to be what they look like, viz. deuterotonic verb forms with a zero root. The obvious candidate for the lost verb form is *egt ‘said’, Greek ē , OIr. *í , cf. Latin aio 'I say’. If the phrase *ol-est-ēgt, unlike regular verb phrases, became a fixed expression before the lenition already, the expected Old Irish reflex is olsí ‘inquit’. This explains the -s-of olsé ‘said he’, which was evidently created by the reanalysis of ohi as ‘said she’ which subsequently gave rise to the form ol before a nominal subject.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “The alleged early apocope of *-i in Celtic”, Études Celtiques 32 (1996): 91–97.  
abstract:
[FR] L’ hypothèse d’une apocope ancienne de *-i en celtique.
Il n’y a pas de preuve d’une apocope ancienne de *-i final dans les désinences verbales de 3e personne, mais on en trouve le témoignage dans la désinence conjointe de 1e sg. athématique -imm, ex. crenaim «j’achète» <*kw rinomi. H n’y a pas de preuve d’une apocope ancienne de *-i final au dat. sg. des thèmes consonantiques, mais on en trouve le témoignage dans inn-uraid «l’an dernier » < PIE *peruti. Il n’y a pas de preuve d’une apocope ancienne de *-i final dans les prép. fri et la, mais on en trouve le témoignage dans les prép. imm «autour » <*ambi et ar «devant» <*pari. Le développement supposé pour *-ti, donnant *-t puis -s, est une illusion. Par conséquent il n’est pas possible de tirer la particule absolue *es de *eti. L’auteur estime qu’il s’agit d’une particule focalisante *est «c’est (un fait que) », dont le développement ne peut être séparé de celui du pronom anaphorique *so devenu marque relative. La redistribution des deux particules en celtique insulaire trouve peut-être sa clef dans les formes relatives du moyen gallois, ex. na welyd «qu’il ne voit pas », en face de gwyl «il voit » de *wele, ce qui conduirait à reconstruire *na-so wele-yo.

[EN] There is no evidence for an early apocope of final *-i in the 3rd person verbal endings while there is counter-evidence in the athematic 1st sg. conjunct ending -imm, e. g. crenaim ‘I buy’ < *kwrinami. There is no evidence for an early apocope of final *-i in the dat. sg. forms of the consonant stems while there is counterevidence in inn-uraid ‘last year’ < PIE. *peruti. There is no evidence for an early apocope of *-i in fri and la while there is counter-evidence in imm ‘about’ < *ambi and *ar ‘before’ < *pari. The alleged development of *-ti > *-t > -s is a fallacy. It follows that a derivation of the absolute particle *es from *eti cannot be upheld. I think that *es represents a focus particle *est ‘it is (the case that)’ and that its development cannot be separated from that of the anaphoric pronoun *so into a relative marker. There may be a clue to the Insular Celtic redistribution of the two particles in the Middle Welsh relative forms, e.g. na welyd ‘that he sees not’ beside gwyl ‘he sees’ < *wele, which suggests that we have to reconstruct *na-so wele-yo.
Journal volume:  Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 32, 1996: <link>
abstract:
[FR] L’ hypothèse d’une apocope ancienne de *-i en celtique.
Il n’y a pas de preuve d’une apocope ancienne de *-i final dans les désinences verbales de 3e personne, mais on en trouve le témoignage dans la désinence conjointe de 1e sg. athématique -imm, ex. crenaim «j’achète» <*kw rinomi. H n’y a pas de preuve d’une apocope ancienne de *-i final au dat. sg. des thèmes consonantiques, mais on en trouve le témoignage dans inn-uraid «l’an dernier » < PIE *peruti. Il n’y a pas de preuve d’une apocope ancienne de *-i final dans les prép. fri et la, mais on en trouve le témoignage dans les prép. imm «autour » <*ambi et ar «devant» <*pari. Le développement supposé pour *-ti, donnant *-t puis -s, est une illusion. Par conséquent il n’est pas possible de tirer la particule absolue *es de *eti. L’auteur estime qu’il s’agit d’une particule focalisante *est «c’est (un fait que) », dont le développement ne peut être séparé de celui du pronom anaphorique *so devenu marque relative. La redistribution des deux particules en celtique insulaire trouve peut-être sa clef dans les formes relatives du moyen gallois, ex. na welyd «qu’il ne voit pas », en face de gwyl «il voit » de *wele, ce qui conduirait à reconstruire *na-so wele-yo.

[EN] There is no evidence for an early apocope of final *-i in the 3rd person verbal endings while there is counter-evidence in the athematic 1st sg. conjunct ending -imm, e. g. crenaim ‘I buy’ < *kwrinami. There is no evidence for an early apocope of final *-i in the dat. sg. forms of the consonant stems while there is counterevidence in inn-uraid ‘last year’ < PIE. *peruti. There is no evidence for an early apocope of *-i in fri and la while there is counter-evidence in imm ‘about’ < *ambi and *ar ‘before’ < *pari. The alleged development of *-ti > *-t > -s is a fallacy. It follows that a derivation of the absolute particle *es from *eti cannot be upheld. I think that *es represents a focus particle *est ‘it is (the case that)’ and that its development cannot be separated from that of the anaphoric pronoun *so into a relative marker. There may be a clue to the Insular Celtic redistribution of the two particles in the Middle Welsh relative forms, e.g. na welyd ‘that he sees not’ beside gwyl ‘he sees’ < *wele, which suggests that we have to reconstruct *na-so wele-yo.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Absolute and conjunct again”, Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 55 (1994): 61–68.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Posttonic *w in Old Irish”, Ériu 37 (1986): 89–92.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Old Irish subjunctives and futures and their Proto-Indo-European origins”, Ériu 35 (1984): 179–187.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Phonemicization and rephonemicization of the Old Irish mutations”, Ériu 33 (1982): 73–83.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “More evidence for Italo-Celtic”, Ériu 32 (1981): 1–22.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “The Old Irish absolute and conjunct endings and questions of relative chronology”, Ériu 30 (1979): 35–53.

Contributions to edited collections or authored works

Kortlandt, Frederik, “More on the chronology of Celtic sound changes”, in: Jaskuła, Krzysztof [ed.], Formal and historical approaches to Celtic languages, Lublin Studies in Celtic Languages 7, Lublin: Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski, 2011. 195–201.
Www.kortlandt.nl – eprint: <link>
Kortlandt, Frederik, “More on the chronology of Celtic sound changes”, in: Kortlandt, Frederik, Studies in Germanic, Indo-European and Indo-Uralic, Leiden Studies in Indo-European17, Amsterdam: Rodopi. 361–364.
Www.kortlandt.nl – eprint: <link>
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Lachmann's law again”, in: Polomé, Edgar C., and Carol F. Justus (eds.), Language change and typological variation: in honor of Winfred P. Lehmann on the occasion of his 83rd birthday, 2 vols, Journal of Indo-European Studies Monograph30, 31, Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Study of Man. Vol. 1: 246–248.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Thematic and athematic verb forms in Old Irish”, in: Lubotsky, Alexander [ed.], Sound law and analogy: papers in honor of Robert S. P. Beekes on the occasion of his 60th birthday, Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi. 133–137.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “Lachmann's law”, in: Venneman, Theo [ed.], The new sound of Indo-European: essays in phonological reconstruction. Proceedings of a workshop held during the seventh international conference on historical linguistics held September 9-13, 1985, at the University of Pavia, Trends in Linguistics, Studies and Monographs41, Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. 103–105.
Kortlandt, Frederik, “The origin of the Slavic imperfect”, in: Olesch, Reinhold, and Hans Rothe (eds.), Festschrift für Herbert Bräuer zum 65. Geburtstag am 14. April 1986, Cologne: Böhlau, 1986. 253–258.