Bibliography
Peter (P. C. H.)
Schrijver
2022
article
Nooij, Lars B., and Peter Schrijver, “Medieval Wales as a linguistic crossroads in Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 153”, in: Michael Clarke, and Máire Ní Mhaonaigh (eds), Medieval multilingual manuscripts: case studies from Ireland to Japan, 24, Berlin, Online: De Gruyter, 2022. 55–66.
abstract:
The manuscript known as Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 153 contains a copy of Martianus Capella’s Latin text De Nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae. Written in Wales around 900 CE, it includes marginal annotations in Latin and Old Welsh that open a window on the spread of Carolingian educational culture to Celtic-speaking Britain. Evidence is examined here for close interaction between some of the indigenous languages of the island and the learned Latin of the schools, and even for surviving traces of the variety of spoken Latin that had been current in Britain under the Empire.
abstract:
The manuscript known as Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 153 contains a copy of Martianus Capella’s Latin text De Nuptiis Mercurii et Philologiae. Written in Wales around 900 CE, it includes marginal annotations in Latin and Old Welsh that open a window on the spread of Carolingian educational culture to Celtic-speaking Britain. Evidence is examined here for close interaction between some of the indigenous languages of the island and the learned Latin of the schools, and even for surviving traces of the variety of spoken Latin that had been current in Britain under the Empire.
article
2019
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Italo-Celtic and the inflection of *es- ‘be’”, in: Matilde Serangeli, and Thomas Olander (eds), Dispersals and diversification: linguistic and archaeological perspectives on the early stages of Indo-European, 19, Leiden: Brill, 2019. 209–235.
abstract:
It is well-known that the present tense of the verb *es- ‘to be’ in the Italic languages shows a mixture of what look as if they were thematic forms (e.g. Old Latin 1 sg. es-om) beside athematic forms (e.g. Latin 3sg. *es-t). A similar state of affairs is attested in the Celtic languages. Within the broader perspective of Indo-European, the thematic forms are puzzling, and efforts have been undertaken to explain them away as secondary. I argue that those efforts have not been successful. By combining the rich but complicated evidence provided by the Celtic languages with the Italic data, it becomes necessary to reconstruct a thematic beside an athematic present of *es- for Italo-Celtic and to hypothesize that the thematic forms were originally used after a focused constituent.
abstract:
It is well-known that the present tense of the verb *es- ‘to be’ in the Italic languages shows a mixture of what look as if they were thematic forms (e.g. Old Latin 1 sg. es-om) beside athematic forms (e.g. Latin 3sg. *es-t). A similar state of affairs is attested in the Celtic languages. Within the broader perspective of Indo-European, the thematic forms are puzzling, and efforts have been undertaken to explain them away as secondary. I argue that those efforts have not been successful. By combining the rich but complicated evidence provided by the Celtic languages with the Italic data, it becomes necessary to reconstruct a thematic beside an athematic present of *es- for Italo-Celtic and to hypothesize that the thematic forms were originally used after a focused constituent.
article
Broeke, Peter van den, Ineke Joosten, Bertil van Os, and Peter Schrijver, “An Early Iron Age miniature cup with script-like signs from Nijmegen-Lent (prov. Gelderland/NL)”, Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 49:3 (2019): 341–352.
abstract:
A thoroughly finished miniature cup, found in a waste pit at Nijmegen-Lent, is a special find because of the character-like signs all around it. Despite the fact that far-reaching southern contacts with the Lower Rhine area existed in the Hallstatt C period (Oss, Wijchen), and although some of the signs match those in early southern European scripts, the early date of the cup (c. 750-675 BC) hampers any sound identification. The enigmatic character of the cup is augmented further by its apparent local origin.
abstract:
A thoroughly finished miniature cup, found in a waste pit at Nijmegen-Lent, is a special find because of the character-like signs all around it. Despite the fact that far-reaching southern contacts with the Lower Rhine area existed in the Hallstatt C period (Oss, Wijchen), and although some of the signs match those in early southern European scripts, the early date of the cup (c. 750-675 BC) hampers any sound identification. The enigmatic character of the cup is augmented further by its apparent local origin.
2018
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Talking Neolithic: the case for Hatto-Minoan and its relation to Sumerian”, in: Guus Kroonen, James P. Mallory, and Bernard Comrie (eds), Talking Neolithic: proceedings of the workshop on Indo-European origins held at the Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig, December 2–3, 2013, 65, Washington, D.C.: Institute for the Study of Man, 2018. 336–374.
article
Schrijver, Peter, “British Celtic light on the Latin alternation of -l- and -ll- in words of the type camēlus, camellus”, in: Dieter Gunkel, Stephanie W. Jamison, Angelo O. Mercado, and Kazuhiko Yoshida (eds), Vina diem celebrent: studies in linguistics and philology in honor of Brent Vine, Ann Arbor (N.Y.): Beech Stave Press, 2018. 406–415.
2017
article
Schrijver, Peter, “The first person singular of ‘to know’ in British Celtic and a detail of a-affection”, in: Bjarne Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen, Adam Hyllested, Anders Richardt Jørgensen, and Guus Kroonen (eds), Usque ad radices: Indo-European studies in honour of Birgit Anette Olsen, Denmark: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2017. 679–686.
article
2016
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Zwischen Eisenzeit und christlichem Mittelalter: Der Rinderraub von Cúailnge (Táin bó Cúailnge)”, in: Hans Sauer, Gisela Seitschek, and Bernhard Teuber (eds), Höhepunkte des mittelalterlichen Erzählens: Heldenlieder, Romane und Novellen in ihrem kulturellen Kontext, Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 2016. 41–53.
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Ancillary study: sound change, the Italo-Celtic linguistic unity, and the Italian homeland of Celtic”, in: John T. Koch, Barry Cunliffe, Kerri Cleary, and Catriona D. Gibson (eds), Celtic from the West 3: Atlantic Europe in the Metal Ages: questions of shared language, 19, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2016. 489–502.
2015
article
Schrijver, Peter, “The meaning of Celtic *eburos”, in: Guillaume Oudaer, Gaël Hily, and Hervé Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 65–76.
abstract:
There is no doubt that Proto-Celtic possessed a phytonym *eburos. It survives as Old Irish ibar, Middle Welsh efwr, Middle Breton (h)evor. Although we lack control over their lexical meanings, numerous Continental Celtic names beginning with Ebur(o)- can be connected with this etymon, too. The general assumption is that the original meaning of the phytonym is ‘yew tree’: Sanz et al (2011, 450-1), Matasović (2009, 112), Sims-Williams (2006, 78) and Delamarre (2003, 159-60) are some of the most recent proponents of that idea. A notable exception is Dagmar Wodtko (2000), who did not assign a meaning to the proto-form. The aim of this paper is to show that *eburos did not mean ‘yew tree’.
abstract:
There is no doubt that Proto-Celtic possessed a phytonym *eburos. It survives as Old Irish ibar, Middle Welsh efwr, Middle Breton (h)evor. Although we lack control over their lexical meanings, numerous Continental Celtic names beginning with Ebur(o)- can be connected with this etymon, too. The general assumption is that the original meaning of the phytonym is ‘yew tree’: Sanz et al (2011, 450-1), Matasović (2009, 112), Sims-Williams (2006, 78) and Delamarre (2003, 159-60) are some of the most recent proponents of that idea. A notable exception is Dagmar Wodtko (2000), who did not assign a meaning to the proto-form. The aim of this paper is to show that *eburos did not mean ‘yew tree’.
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Pruners and trainers of the Celtic family tree: the rise and development of Celtic in the light of language contact”, in: Liam Breatnach, Ruairí Ó hUiginn, Damian McManus, and Katharine Simms (eds), Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Celtic Studies, held in Maynooth University, 1–5 August 2011, Dublin: School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 2015. 191–219.
2014
work
Schrijver, Peter, Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages, New York, Abingdon: Routledge, 2014.
abstract:
History, archaeology, and human evolutionary genetics provide us with an increasingly detailed view of the origins and development of the peoples that live in Northwestern Europe. This book aims to restore the key position of historical linguistics in this debate by treating the history of the Germanic languages as a history of its speakers. It focuses on the role that language contact has played in creating the Germanic languages, between the first millennium BC and the crucially important early medieval period. Chapters on the origins of English, German, Dutch, and the Germanic language family as a whole illustrate how the history of the sounds of these languages provide a key that unlocks the secret of their genesis: speakers of Latin, Celtic and Balto-Finnic switched to speaking Germanic and in the process introduced a 'foreign accent' that caught on and spread at the expense of types of Germanic that were not affected by foreign influence. The book is aimed at linguists, historians, archaeologists and anyone who is interested in what languages can tell us about the origins of their speakers.
abstract:
History, archaeology, and human evolutionary genetics provide us with an increasingly detailed view of the origins and development of the peoples that live in Northwestern Europe. This book aims to restore the key position of historical linguistics in this debate by treating the history of the Germanic languages as a history of its speakers. It focuses on the role that language contact has played in creating the Germanic languages, between the first millennium BC and the crucially important early medieval period. Chapters on the origins of English, German, Dutch, and the Germanic language family as a whole illustrate how the history of the sounds of these languages provide a key that unlocks the secret of their genesis: speakers of Latin, Celtic and Balto-Finnic switched to speaking Germanic and in the process introduced a 'foreign accent' that caught on and spread at the expense of types of Germanic that were not affected by foreign influence. The book is aimed at linguists, historians, archaeologists and anyone who is interested in what languages can tell us about the origins of their speakers.
article
2011
article
article
Peter Schrijver, “Het getal tien”, in: Kelten: Mededelingen van de Stichting A. G. van Hamel voor Keltische Studies 50 (2011): 13–14.
article
article
2010
article
Peter Schrijver, “Keltische wortels: de naam van de Eburonen”, in: Kelten: Mededelingen van de Stichting A. G. van Hamel voor Keltische Studies 45 (2010): 12.
2009
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Celtic influence on Old English: phonological and phonetic evidence”, English Language and Linguistics 13:2 (2009): 193–211.
abstract:
It has generally been assumed that Celtic linguistic influence on Old English is limited to a few marginal loanwords. If a language shift had taken place from Celtic to Old English, however, one would expect to find traces of that in Old English phonology and (morpho)syntax. In this article I argue that (1) the way in which the West Germanic sound system was reshaped in Old English strongly suggests the operation of a hitherto unrecognized substratum; (2) that phonetic substratum is strongly reminiscent of Irish rather than British Celtic; (3) the Old Irish phonetic−phonological system provides a more plausible model for reconstructing the phonetics of pre-Roman Celtic in Britain than the British Celtic system. The conclusion is that there is phonetic continuity between pre-Roman British Celtic and Old English, which suggests the presence of a pre-Anglo-Saxon population shifting to Old English.
abstract:
It has generally been assumed that Celtic linguistic influence on Old English is limited to a few marginal loanwords. If a language shift had taken place from Celtic to Old English, however, one would expect to find traces of that in Old English phonology and (morpho)syntax. In this article I argue that (1) the way in which the West Germanic sound system was reshaped in Old English strongly suggests the operation of a hitherto unrecognized substratum; (2) that phonetic substratum is strongly reminiscent of Irish rather than British Celtic; (3) the Old Irish phonetic−phonological system provides a more plausible model for reconstructing the phonetics of pre-Roman Celtic in Britain than the British Celtic system. The conclusion is that there is phonetic continuity between pre-Roman British Celtic and Old English, which suggests the presence of a pre-Anglo-Saxon population shifting to Old English.
article
2008
article
2007
article
article
article
work
Inaugural lecture 7 March 2007.
2006
article
article
article
Schrijver, Peter, “The etymology of English weapon, German Waffe and the Indo-European root *hwep-”, in: Irma Hyvärinen, Petri Kallio, Jarmo Korhonen, and Leena Kolehmainen [collab.] (eds), Etymologie, Entlehnungen und Entwicklungen: Festschrift für Jorma Koivulehto zum 70. Geburtstag, 63, Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 2006. 355–366.
2005
article
Schrijver, Peter, “The roscada of Táin bó Cúailnge Recension I, 2428–2454”, in: Bernadette Smelik, Rijcklof Hofman, Camiel Hamans, and David Cram (eds), A companion in linguistics: a Festschrift for Anders Ahlqvist on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday, Nijmegen: Stichting Uitgeverij de Keltische Draak, 2005. 92–116.
article
article
2004
article
edited work
article
2003
article
article
article
article
2002
article
2001
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Lost languages in Northern Europe”, in: Christian Carpelan, Asko Parpola, and Petteri Koskikallio (eds), Early contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: linguistic and archaeological considerations. Papers presented at an international symposium held at the Tvärminne Research Station of the University of Helsinki, 8-10 January, 1999, 242, Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura, 2001. 417–425.
2000
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Two old Welsh etymologies”, Études Celtiques 34 (1998–2000): 157–160.
abstract:
[FR] Deux étymologies de mots vieux-gallois.
1. guogaltou, composé de (gallois mod.) gwallt «chevelure», doit gloser redimicula. — 2. tarnetor et niritarnher doivent appartenir à un thème verbal darn- «couper », d'où «compter». Explications concernant l'emploi du signe de sourde t- (pour la sonore d) à l'initiale du verbe.
[EN] 1. guogaltou, as a compound of (Mod. W.) gwallt «hair», glosses Lat. redimicula. — 2. tarnetor and niritarnher must belong to a verbal stem darn- «to cut», hence «to reckon». Further comments on the use of t- for the voiced /d/ at the beginning of the verb.
1. guogaltou, composé de (gallois mod.) gwallt «chevelure», doit gloser redimicula. — 2. tarnetor et niritarnher doivent appartenir à un thème verbal darn- «couper », d'où «compter». Explications concernant l'emploi du signe de sourde t- (pour la sonore d) à l'initiale du verbe.
[EN] 1. guogaltou, as a compound of (Mod. W.) gwallt «hair», glosses Lat. redimicula. — 2. tarnetor and niritarnher must belong to a verbal stem darn- «to cut», hence «to reckon». Further comments on the use of t- for the voiced /d/ at the beginning of the verb.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 34, 1998-2000: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Deux étymologies de mots vieux-gallois.
1. guogaltou, composé de (gallois mod.) gwallt «chevelure», doit gloser redimicula. — 2. tarnetor et niritarnher doivent appartenir à un thème verbal darn- «couper », d'où «compter». Explications concernant l'emploi du signe de sourde t- (pour la sonore d) à l'initiale du verbe.
[EN] 1. guogaltou, as a compound of (Mod. W.) gwallt «hair», glosses Lat. redimicula. — 2. tarnetor and niritarnher must belong to a verbal stem darn- «to cut», hence «to reckon». Further comments on the use of t- for the voiced /d/ at the beginning of the verb.
1. guogaltou, composé de (gallois mod.) gwallt «chevelure», doit gloser redimicula. — 2. tarnetor et niritarnher doivent appartenir à un thème verbal darn- «couper », d'où «compter». Explications concernant l'emploi du signe de sourde t- (pour la sonore d) à l'initiale du verbe.
[EN] 1. guogaltou, as a compound of (Mod. W.) gwallt «hair», glosses Lat. redimicula. — 2. tarnetor and niritarnher must belong to a verbal stem darn- «to cut», hence «to reckon». Further comments on the use of t- for the voiced /d/ at the beginning of the verb.
article
article
Schrijver, Peter, “The Châteaubleau tile as a link between Latin and French and between Gaulish and Brittonic”, Études Celtiques 34 (1998–2000): 135–142.
abstract:
[FR] La tuile de Châteaubleau, un maillon entre le latin et le français comme entre le gaulois et le brittonique.
Examen des particularités linguistiques du nouveau texte gaulois de Châteaubleau. Ce texte ne partage pas, avec le gaulois du sud, certaines innovations communes avec le brittonique, comme l'évolution -nm- > -nw-, mais d'autres traits le rattachent au brittonique, comme la perte de -n- final. Parmi ses innovations (peut-être tardives), le gaulois de Châteaubleau présente une remarquable diphtongaison des voyelles longues — seulement en finale absolue pour -ū- long (ainsi, gniíou), et peut-être -ī- long, mais sans restriction de place pour les nouvelles longues -ē- et -ō- issues de -ei- (?iegumi avec *ei > ē > ie) et -ou- (dans muana). Cette diphtongaison est tout-à-fait parallèle à celle qui se produit en français du nord.
[EN] This is a study of the linguistic features in the new Gaulish text from Châteaubleau. This text does not partake, with Southern Gaulish, in some innovations common with Brittonic, as the transformation of -nm-into -nw-, but other features join it to Brittonic, such as the loss of final -n-. Amongst the (perhaps late) innovations, this form of Gaulish exhibits a remarkable diphtongation of long vowels : only in Auslaut for long -u-(so, gniiou), and perhaps long -Ï-, but without any restriction for the new long vowels -e-and -δ-coming from -ei-( ? iegumi with *ei > ë > ie) and -ou-(in muana). This is remarkably parallel to what happened in northern French.
Examen des particularités linguistiques du nouveau texte gaulois de Châteaubleau. Ce texte ne partage pas, avec le gaulois du sud, certaines innovations communes avec le brittonique, comme l'évolution -nm- > -nw-, mais d'autres traits le rattachent au brittonique, comme la perte de -n- final. Parmi ses innovations (peut-être tardives), le gaulois de Châteaubleau présente une remarquable diphtongaison des voyelles longues — seulement en finale absolue pour -ū- long (ainsi, gniíou), et peut-être -ī- long, mais sans restriction de place pour les nouvelles longues -ē- et -ō- issues de -ei- (?iegumi avec *ei > ē > ie) et -ou- (dans muana). Cette diphtongaison est tout-à-fait parallèle à celle qui se produit en français du nord.
[EN] This is a study of the linguistic features in the new Gaulish text from Châteaubleau. This text does not partake, with Southern Gaulish, in some innovations common with Brittonic, as the transformation of -nm-into -nw-, but other features join it to Brittonic, such as the loss of final -n-. Amongst the (perhaps late) innovations, this form of Gaulish exhibits a remarkable diphtongation of long vowels : only in Auslaut for long -u-(so, gniiou), and perhaps long -Ï-, but without any restriction for the new long vowels -e-and -δ-coming from -ei-( ? iegumi with *ei > ë > ie) and -ou-(in muana). This is remarkably parallel to what happened in northern French.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 34, 1998-2000: <link>
abstract:
[FR] La tuile de Châteaubleau, un maillon entre le latin et le français comme entre le gaulois et le brittonique.
Examen des particularités linguistiques du nouveau texte gaulois de Châteaubleau. Ce texte ne partage pas, avec le gaulois du sud, certaines innovations communes avec le brittonique, comme l'évolution -nm- > -nw-, mais d'autres traits le rattachent au brittonique, comme la perte de -n- final. Parmi ses innovations (peut-être tardives), le gaulois de Châteaubleau présente une remarquable diphtongaison des voyelles longues — seulement en finale absolue pour -ū- long (ainsi, gniíou), et peut-être -ī- long, mais sans restriction de place pour les nouvelles longues -ē- et -ō- issues de -ei- (?iegumi avec *ei > ē > ie) et -ou- (dans muana). Cette diphtongaison est tout-à-fait parallèle à celle qui se produit en français du nord.
[EN] This is a study of the linguistic features in the new Gaulish text from Châteaubleau. This text does not partake, with Southern Gaulish, in some innovations common with Brittonic, as the transformation of -nm-into -nw-, but other features join it to Brittonic, such as the loss of final -n-. Amongst the (perhaps late) innovations, this form of Gaulish exhibits a remarkable diphtongation of long vowels : only in Auslaut for long -u-(so, gniiou), and perhaps long -Ï-, but without any restriction for the new long vowels -e-and -δ-coming from -ei-( ? iegumi with *ei > ë > ie) and -ou-(in muana). This is remarkably parallel to what happened in northern French.
Examen des particularités linguistiques du nouveau texte gaulois de Châteaubleau. Ce texte ne partage pas, avec le gaulois du sud, certaines innovations communes avec le brittonique, comme l'évolution -nm- > -nw-, mais d'autres traits le rattachent au brittonique, comme la perte de -n- final. Parmi ses innovations (peut-être tardives), le gaulois de Châteaubleau présente une remarquable diphtongaison des voyelles longues — seulement en finale absolue pour -ū- long (ainsi, gniíou), et peut-être -ī- long, mais sans restriction de place pour les nouvelles longues -ē- et -ō- issues de -ei- (?iegumi avec *ei > ē > ie) et -ou- (dans muana). Cette diphtongaison est tout-à-fait parallèle à celle qui se produit en français du nord.
[EN] This is a study of the linguistic features in the new Gaulish text from Châteaubleau. This text does not partake, with Southern Gaulish, in some innovations common with Brittonic, as the transformation of -nm-into -nw-, but other features join it to Brittonic, such as the loss of final -n-. Amongst the (perhaps late) innovations, this form of Gaulish exhibits a remarkable diphtongation of long vowels : only in Auslaut for long -u-(so, gniiou), and perhaps long -Ï-, but without any restriction for the new long vowels -e-and -δ-coming from -ei-( ? iegumi with *ei > ë > ie) and -ou-(in muana). This is remarkably parallel to what happened in northern French.
article
Schrijver, Peter, “Geminate spellings in the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella”, Études Celtiques 34 (1998–2000): 147–160.
abstract:
[FR] Graphies géminées dans les glosses en vieux gallois à Martianus Capella.
L'emploi de lettres géminées, dans le cas de -ce-, -pp-, -tt- (qui ont, à l'intervocalique, la valeur d'une sonore, /g/, /b/, /d/), est une particularité du corpus des gloses en vieux-gallois à Martianus Capella. L'auteur étudie la distribution de ces géminées et arrive à poser une règle, selon laquelle les graphies géminées se présentent uniquement après une voyelle brève, c.-à-d. une voyelle brève selon le nouveau système quantitatif atteint à la fin de la période du vieux-gallois.
[EN] The use of geminate letters, in the case of -ec-, -pp-, -tt-, (intervocalically, that is with a voiced value : /g/ /b/ /d/) is a striking feature of the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella. The author examines the distribution of these geminate letters and traces a rule, according to which geminate spellings occur only after short vowels, that is, vowels that are short according to the late OW and MW quantity system.
L'emploi de lettres géminées, dans le cas de -ce-, -pp-, -tt- (qui ont, à l'intervocalique, la valeur d'une sonore, /g/, /b/, /d/), est une particularité du corpus des gloses en vieux-gallois à Martianus Capella. L'auteur étudie la distribution de ces géminées et arrive à poser une règle, selon laquelle les graphies géminées se présentent uniquement après une voyelle brève, c.-à-d. une voyelle brève selon le nouveau système quantitatif atteint à la fin de la période du vieux-gallois.
[EN] The use of geminate letters, in the case of -ec-, -pp-, -tt-, (intervocalically, that is with a voiced value : /g/ /b/ /d/) is a striking feature of the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella. The author examines the distribution of these geminate letters and traces a rule, according to which geminate spellings occur only after short vowels, that is, vowels that are short according to the late OW and MW quantity system.
Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 34, 1998-2000: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Graphies géminées dans les glosses en vieux gallois à Martianus Capella.
L'emploi de lettres géminées, dans le cas de -ce-, -pp-, -tt- (qui ont, à l'intervocalique, la valeur d'une sonore, /g/, /b/, /d/), est une particularité du corpus des gloses en vieux-gallois à Martianus Capella. L'auteur étudie la distribution de ces géminées et arrive à poser une règle, selon laquelle les graphies géminées se présentent uniquement après une voyelle brève, c.-à-d. une voyelle brève selon le nouveau système quantitatif atteint à la fin de la période du vieux-gallois.
[EN] The use of geminate letters, in the case of -ec-, -pp-, -tt-, (intervocalically, that is with a voiced value : /g/ /b/ /d/) is a striking feature of the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella. The author examines the distribution of these geminate letters and traces a rule, according to which geminate spellings occur only after short vowels, that is, vowels that are short according to the late OW and MW quantity system.
L'emploi de lettres géminées, dans le cas de -ce-, -pp-, -tt- (qui ont, à l'intervocalique, la valeur d'une sonore, /g/, /b/, /d/), est une particularité du corpus des gloses en vieux-gallois à Martianus Capella. L'auteur étudie la distribution de ces géminées et arrive à poser une règle, selon laquelle les graphies géminées se présentent uniquement après une voyelle brève, c.-à-d. une voyelle brève selon le nouveau système quantitatif atteint à la fin de la période du vieux-gallois.
[EN] The use of geminate letters, in the case of -ec-, -pp-, -tt-, (intervocalically, that is with a voiced value : /g/ /b/ /d/) is a striking feature of the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella. The author examines the distribution of these geminate letters and traces a rule, according to which geminate spellings occur only after short vowels, that is, vowels that are short according to the late OW and MW quantity system.
article
1999
article
article
article
article
