Bibliography

Peter (P. C. H.)
Schrijver

62 publications between 1986 and 2019 indexed
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Works authored

Schrijver, Peter, Language contact and the origins of the Germanic languages, New York, Abingdon: Routledge, 2014.  
abstract:
History, archaeology, and human evolutionary genetics provide us with an increasingly detailed view of the origins and development of the peoples that live in Northwestern Europe. This book aims to restore the key position of historical linguistics in this debate by treating the history of the Germanic languages as a history of its speakers. It focuses on the role that language contact has played in creating the Germanic languages, between the first millennium BC and the crucially important early medieval period. Chapters on the origins of English, German, Dutch, and the Germanic language family as a whole illustrate how the history of the sounds of these languages provide a key that unlocks the secret of their genesis: speakers of Latin, Celtic and Balto-Finnic switched to speaking Germanic and in the process introduced a 'foreign accent' that caught on and spread at the expense of types of Germanic that were not affected by foreign influence. The book is aimed at linguists, historians, archaeologists and anyone who is interested in what languages can tell us about the origins of their speakers.
abstract:
History, archaeology, and human evolutionary genetics provide us with an increasingly detailed view of the origins and development of the peoples that live in Northwestern Europe. This book aims to restore the key position of historical linguistics in this debate by treating the history of the Germanic languages as a history of its speakers. It focuses on the role that language contact has played in creating the Germanic languages, between the first millennium BC and the crucially important early medieval period. Chapters on the origins of English, German, Dutch, and the Germanic language family as a whole illustrate how the history of the sounds of these languages provide a key that unlocks the secret of their genesis: speakers of Latin, Celtic and Balto-Finnic switched to speaking Germanic and in the process introduced a 'foreign accent' that caught on and spread at the expense of types of Germanic that were not affected by foreign influence. The book is aimed at linguists, historians, archaeologists and anyone who is interested in what languages can tell us about the origins of their speakers.
Schrijver, Peter, Keltisch en de buren: 9000 jaar taalcontact, Utrecht: Utrecht University, 2007.
Schrijver, Peter, Studies in the history of Celtic pronouns and particles, Maynooth Studies in Celtic Linguistics 2, Maynooth: Department of Old Irish, National University of Ireland, Maynooth, 1997.
Schrijver, Peter, Studies in British Celtic historical phonology, Leiden Studies in Indo-European 5, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1995.  
abstract:
The languages belonging to the British subgroup of Celtic, i.e. Welsh, Cornish and Breton, have been the subject of thorough research for over a century now. Yet the phonological history of the prehistoric stages of these languages and the details of their connection with the other Celtic and Indo-European languages still present numerous unsolved issues. This volume aims to tackle the most acute problems of the historical phonology of British Celtic. Also it provides an up-to-date reference guide to British historical phonology in general, as well as a study of a large body of etymologies relevant to the correct evaluation of the historical phonology. This volume is of interest for the Celtologist, the Indo-Europeanist and the general historical linguist.
(source: Publisher)
abstract:
The languages belonging to the British subgroup of Celtic, i.e. Welsh, Cornish and Breton, have been the subject of thorough research for over a century now. Yet the phonological history of the prehistoric stages of these languages and the details of their connection with the other Celtic and Indo-European languages still present numerous unsolved issues. This volume aims to tackle the most acute problems of the historical phonology of British Celtic. Also it provides an up-to-date reference guide to British historical phonology in general, as well as a study of a large body of etymologies relevant to the correct evaluation of the historical phonology. This volume is of interest for the Celtologist, the Indo-Europeanist and the general historical linguist.
(source: Publisher)
Schrijver, Peter, The reflexes of the PIE laryngeals in Latin, Amsterdam and Atlanta: Rodopi, 1991.
Schrijver, Peter, and Lauran Toorians, De oudste Keltische poëzie: een bloemlezing, De Lantaarn 43, Leiden: Stichting De Lantaarn, 1986.

Works edited

Schrijver, Peter, and Peter-Arnold Mumm (eds.), Sprachtod und Sprachgeburt, Bremen: Hempen Verlag, 2004.
Hofman, Rijcklof, C. J. Jiskoot, Karel Jongeling, Peter Schrijver, Bernadette Smelik, and Lauran Toorians (eds), Welsh & Breton studies in memory of Th. M. Th. Chotzen. Proceedings of a Colloquium organized by the A. G. van Hamel Foundation for Celtic Studies, Utrecht — Amsterdam 23-24 April 1993, Studia Hameliana 1, Utrecht: Stichting Uitgeverij de Keltische Draak, 1995.

Contributions to journals

Broeke, Peter van den, Ineke Joosten, Bertil van Os, and Peter Schrijver, “An Early Iron Age miniature cup with script-like signs from Nijmegen-Lent (prov. Gelderland/NL)”, Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 49:3 (2019): 341–352.  
abstract:
A thoroughly finished miniature cup, found in a waste pit at Nijmegen-Lent, is a special find because of the character-like signs all around it. Despite the fact that far-reaching southern contacts with the Lower Rhine area existed in the Hallstatt C period (Oss, Wijchen), and although some of the signs match those in early southern European scripts, the early date of the cup (c. 750-675 BC) hampers any sound identification. The enigmatic character of the cup is augmented further by its apparent local origin.
abstract:
A thoroughly finished miniature cup, found in a waste pit at Nijmegen-Lent, is a special find because of the character-like signs all around it. Despite the fact that far-reaching southern contacts with the Lower Rhine area existed in the Hallstatt C period (Oss, Wijchen), and although some of the signs match those in early southern European scripts, the early date of the cup (c. 750-675 BC) hampers any sound identification. The enigmatic character of the cup is augmented further by its apparent local origin.
Schrijver, Peter, “Het getal tien”, Kelten: Mededelingen van de Stichting A. G. van Hamel voor Keltische Studies 50 — thema ‘Getallen’ (May, 2011): 13–14.
Schrijver, Peter, “[Review of: Cowgill, Warren, The collected writings of Warren Cowgill, ed. Iared S. Klein, Ann Arbor: Beech Stave Press, 2006]”, Kratylos 54 (2009): 167–168.
Schrijver, Peter, “Celtic influence on Old English: phonological and phonetic evidence”, English Language and Linguistics 13:2 (2009): 193–211.  
abstract:
It has generally been assumed that Celtic linguistic influence on Old English is limited to a few marginal loanwords. If a language shift had taken place from Celtic to Old English, however, one would expect to find traces of that in Old English phonology and (morpho)syntax. In this article I argue that (1) the way in which the West Germanic sound system was reshaped in Old English strongly suggests the operation of a hitherto unrecognized substratum; (2) that phonetic substratum is strongly reminiscent of Irish rather than British Celtic; (3) the Old Irish phonetic−phonological system provides a more plausible model for reconstructing the phonetics of pre-Roman Celtic in Britain than the British Celtic system. The conclusion is that there is phonetic continuity between pre-Roman British Celtic and Old English, which suggests the presence of a pre-Anglo-Saxon population shifting to Old English.
abstract:
It has generally been assumed that Celtic linguistic influence on Old English is limited to a few marginal loanwords. If a language shift had taken place from Celtic to Old English, however, one would expect to find traces of that in Old English phonology and (morpho)syntax. In this article I argue that (1) the way in which the West Germanic sound system was reshaped in Old English strongly suggests the operation of a hitherto unrecognized substratum; (2) that phonetic substratum is strongly reminiscent of Irish rather than British Celtic; (3) the Old Irish phonetic−phonological system provides a more plausible model for reconstructing the phonetics of pre-Roman Celtic in Britain than the British Celtic system. The conclusion is that there is phonetic continuity between pre-Roman British Celtic and Old English, which suggests the presence of a pre-Anglo-Saxon population shifting to Old English.
Schrijver, Peter, “Early Irish Ailenn: an etymology”, Emania 20 (2006): 60–61.
Schrijver, Peter, “[Review of: Meiser, Gerhard, Veni Vidi Vici. Die Vorgeschichte der lateinischen Perfektsystems, München: Beck, 2003]”, Kratylos 51 (2006): 46–64.
Schrijver, Peter, “Varia I. More on non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millennium AD”, Ériu 55 (2005): 137–144.
Schrijver, Peter, “Athematic i-presents: the Italic and Celtic evidence”, Incontri linguistici 26 (2003): 59–86.
Schrijver, Peter, “Geminate spellings in the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella”, Études Celtiques 34 (1998–2000): 147–160.  
abstract:
[FR] Graphies géminées dans les glosses en vieux gallois à Martianus Capella.
L'emploi de lettres géminées, dans le cas de -ce-, -pp-, -tt- (qui ont, à l'intervocalique, la valeur d'une sonore, /g/, /b/, /d/), est une particularité du corpus des gloses en vieux-gallois à Martianus Capella. L'auteur étudie la distribution de ces géminées et arrive à poser une règle, selon laquelle les graphies géminées se présentent uniquement après une voyelle brève, c.-à-d. une voyelle brève selon le nouveau système quantitatif atteint à la fin de la période du vieux-gallois.

[EN] The use of geminate letters, in the case of -ec-, -pp-, -tt-, (intervocalically, that is with a voiced value : /g/ /b/ /d/) is a striking feature of the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella. The author examines the distribution of these geminate letters and traces a rule, according to which geminate spellings occur only after short vowels, that is, vowels that are short according to the late OW and MW quantity system.
Journal volume:  Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 34, 1998-2000: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Graphies géminées dans les glosses en vieux gallois à Martianus Capella.
L'emploi de lettres géminées, dans le cas de -ce-, -pp-, -tt- (qui ont, à l'intervocalique, la valeur d'une sonore, /g/, /b/, /d/), est une particularité du corpus des gloses en vieux-gallois à Martianus Capella. L'auteur étudie la distribution de ces géminées et arrive à poser une règle, selon laquelle les graphies géminées se présentent uniquement après une voyelle brève, c.-à-d. une voyelle brève selon le nouveau système quantitatif atteint à la fin de la période du vieux-gallois.

[EN] The use of geminate letters, in the case of -ec-, -pp-, -tt-, (intervocalically, that is with a voiced value : /g/ /b/ /d/) is a striking feature of the Old Welsh glosses to Martianus Capella. The author examines the distribution of these geminate letters and traces a rule, according to which geminate spellings occur only after short vowels, that is, vowels that are short according to the late OW and MW quantity system.
Schrijver, Peter, “The Châteaubleau tile as a link between Latin and French and between Gaulish and Brittonic”, Études Celtiques 34 (1998–2000): 135–142.  
abstract:
[FR] La tuile de Châteaubleau, un maillon entre le latin et le français comme entre le gaulois et le brittonique.
Examen des particularités linguistiques du nouveau texte gaulois de Châteaubleau. Ce texte ne partage pas, avec le gaulois du sud, certaines innovations communes avec le brittonique, comme l'évolution -nm- > -nw-, mais d'autres traits le rattachent au brittonique, comme la perte de -n- final. Parmi ses innovations (peut-être tardives), le gaulois de Châteaubleau présente une remarquable diphtongaison des voyelles longues — seulement en finale absolue pour -ū- long (ainsi, gniíou), et peut-être -ī- long, mais sans restriction de place pour les nouvelles longues -ē- et -ō- issues de -ei- (?iegumi avec *ei > ē > ie) et -ou- (dans muana). Cette diphtongaison est tout-à-fait parallèle à celle qui se produit en français du nord.

[EN] This is a study of the linguistic features in the new Gaulish text from Châteaubleau. This text does not partake, with Southern Gaulish, in some innovations common with Brittonic, as the transformation of -nm-into -nw-, but other features join it to Brittonic, such as the loss of final -n-. Amongst the (perhaps late) innovations, this form of Gaulish exhibits a remarkable diphtongation of long vowels : only in Auslaut for long -u-(so, gniiou), and perhaps long -Ï-, but without any restriction for the new long vowels -e-and -δ-coming from -ei-( ? iegumi with *ei > ë > ie) and -ou-(in muana). This is remarkably parallel to what happened in northern French.
Journal volume:  Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 34, 1998-2000: <link>
abstract:
[FR] La tuile de Châteaubleau, un maillon entre le latin et le français comme entre le gaulois et le brittonique.
Examen des particularités linguistiques du nouveau texte gaulois de Châteaubleau. Ce texte ne partage pas, avec le gaulois du sud, certaines innovations communes avec le brittonique, comme l'évolution -nm- > -nw-, mais d'autres traits le rattachent au brittonique, comme la perte de -n- final. Parmi ses innovations (peut-être tardives), le gaulois de Châteaubleau présente une remarquable diphtongaison des voyelles longues — seulement en finale absolue pour -ū- long (ainsi, gniíou), et peut-être -ī- long, mais sans restriction de place pour les nouvelles longues -ē- et -ō- issues de -ei- (?iegumi avec *ei > ē > ie) et -ou- (dans muana). Cette diphtongaison est tout-à-fait parallèle à celle qui se produit en français du nord.

[EN] This is a study of the linguistic features in the new Gaulish text from Châteaubleau. This text does not partake, with Southern Gaulish, in some innovations common with Brittonic, as the transformation of -nm-into -nw-, but other features join it to Brittonic, such as the loss of final -n-. Amongst the (perhaps late) innovations, this form of Gaulish exhibits a remarkable diphtongation of long vowels : only in Auslaut for long -u-(so, gniiou), and perhaps long -Ï-, but without any restriction for the new long vowels -e-and -δ-coming from -ei-( ? iegumi with *ei > ë > ie) and -ou-(in muana). This is remarkably parallel to what happened in northern French.
Schrijver, Peter, “Two old Welsh etymologies”, Études Celtiques 34 (1998-2000): 157–160.  
abstract:
[FR] Deux étymologies de mots vieux-gallois.
1. guogaltou, composé de (gallois mod.) gwallt «chevelure», doit gloser redimicula. — 2. tarnetor et niritarnher doivent appartenir à un thème verbal darn- «couper », d'où «compter». Explications concernant l'emploi du signe de sourde t- (pour la sonore d) à l'initiale du verbe.

[EN] 1. guogaltou, as a compound of (Mod. W.) gwallt «hair», glosses Lat. redimicula. — 2. tarnetor and niritarnher must belong to a verbal stem darn- «to cut», hence «to reckon». Further comments on the use of t- for the voiced /d/ at the beginning of the verb.
Journal volume:  Persée – Études Celtiques, vol. 34, 1998-2000: <link>
abstract:
[FR] Deux étymologies de mots vieux-gallois.
1. guogaltou, composé de (gallois mod.) gwallt «chevelure», doit gloser redimicula. — 2. tarnetor et niritarnher doivent appartenir à un thème verbal darn- «couper », d'où «compter». Explications concernant l'emploi du signe de sourde t- (pour la sonore d) à l'initiale du verbe.

[EN] 1. guogaltou, as a compound of (Mod. W.) gwallt «hair», glosses Lat. redimicula. — 2. tarnetor and niritarnher must belong to a verbal stem darn- «to cut», hence «to reckon». Further comments on the use of t- for the voiced /d/ at the beginning of the verb.
Schrijver, Peter, “Varia V: Non-Indo-European surviving in Ireland in the first millenium AD”, Ériu 51 (2000): 195–199.
Schrijver, Peter, “The Celtic contribution to the development of the North Sea Germanic vowel system, with special reference to coastal Dutch”, NOWELE 35 (1999): 3–47.
Schrijver, Peter, “Vowel rounding by Primitive Irish labiovelars”, Ériu 50 (1999): 133–137.
Schrijver, Peter, “On henbane and early European narcotics”, Zeitschrift für celtische Philologie 51 (1999): 17–45.
Schrijver, Peter, “Spirantization and nasalization in British”, Studia Celtica 33 (1999): 1–19.
Schrijver, Peter, “The British word for ‘fox’ and its Indo-European origin”, Journal of Indo-European Studies 26:3-4 (1998): 421–434.
Schrijver, Peter, “On the nature and origin of word-initial h- in the Würzburg glosses”, Ériu 48 (1997): 205–227.
Schrijver, Peter, “OIr. gor ‘pious, dutiful’: meaning and etymology”, Ériu 47 (1996): 193–204.
Schrijver, Peter, “Welsh heledd, hêl, Cornish *heyl, Latin helinium, Dutch hel-, zeelt”, NOWELE 26 (1995): 31–42.
Schrijver, Peter, “De etymologie van de naam Cannenefaten”, Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 41 (1995): 13–22.
Schrijver, Peter, “The Celtic adverbs for ‘against’ and ‘with’ and the early apocope of *-i.”, Ériu 45 (1994): 151–189.
Schrijver, Peter, “Varia IV: OIr. dëec, dëac”, Ériu 44 (1993): 181–184.
Schrijver, Peter, “On the development of vowels before tautosyllabic nasals in Primitive Irish”, Ériu 44 (1993): 33–52.
Schrijver, Peter, “The chronology of the loss of post-tonic vowels between identical consonants and the origin of the Celtic first person singular imperfect”, Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 53 (1992): 179–196.
Schrijver, Peter, “The development of Primitive Irish *aN before voiced stop”, Ériu 42 (1991): 13–25.
Schrijver, Peter, “Latin festīnāre, Welsh brys”, Münchener Studien zur Sprachwissenschaft 51 (1990): 243–247.

Contributions to edited collections or authored works

Schrijver, Peter, “Italo-Celtic and the inflection of *es- ‘be’”, in: Serangeli, Matilde, and Thomas Olander (eds), Dispersals and diversification: linguistic and archaeological perspectives on the early stages of Indo-European, Brill's Studies in Indo-European Languages & Linguistics 19, Leiden: Brill, 2019. 209–235.  
abstract:
It is well-known that the present tense of the verb *es- ‘to be’ in the Italic languages shows a mixture of what look as if they were thematic forms (e.g. Old Latin 1 sg. es-om) beside athematic forms (e.g. Latin 3sg. *es-t). A similar state of affairs is attested in the Celtic languages. Within the broader perspective of Indo-European, the thematic forms are puzzling, and efforts have been undertaken to explain them away as secondary. I argue that those efforts have not been successful. By combining the rich but complicated evidence provided by the Celtic languages with the Italic data, it becomes necessary to reconstruct a thematic beside an athematic present of *es- for Italo-Celtic and to hypothesize that the thematic forms were originally used after a focused constituent.
abstract:
It is well-known that the present tense of the verb *es- ‘to be’ in the Italic languages shows a mixture of what look as if they were thematic forms (e.g. Old Latin 1 sg. es-om) beside athematic forms (e.g. Latin 3sg. *es-t). A similar state of affairs is attested in the Celtic languages. Within the broader perspective of Indo-European, the thematic forms are puzzling, and efforts have been undertaken to explain them away as secondary. I argue that those efforts have not been successful. By combining the rich but complicated evidence provided by the Celtic languages with the Italic data, it becomes necessary to reconstruct a thematic beside an athematic present of *es- for Italo-Celtic and to hypothesize that the thematic forms were originally used after a focused constituent.
Schrijver, Peter, “British Celtic light on the Latin alternation of -l- and -ll- in words of the type camēlus, camellus”, in: Gunkel, Dieter, Stephanie W. Jamison, Angelo O. Mercado, and Kazuhiko Yoshida (eds), Vina diem celebrent: studies in linguistics and philology in honor of Brent Vine, Ann Arbor (N.Y.): Beech Stave Press, 2018. 406–415.
Schrijver, Peter, “The first person singular of ‘to know’ in British Celtic and a detail of a-affection”, in: Simmelkjær Sandgaard Hansen, Bjarne, Adam Hyllested, Anders Richardt Jørgensen, and Guus Kroonen (eds), Usque ad radices: Indo-European studies in honour of Birgit Anette Olsen, Copenhagen Studies in Indo-European, Denmark: Museum Tusculanum Press, 2017. 679–686.
Schrijver, Peter, “Frisian between the Roman and the early-medieval periods: language contact, Celts and Romans”, in: Hines, John, and Nelleke L. IJssennagger (eds), Frisians and their North Sea neighbours from the fifth century to the Viking Age, Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2017. 43–52.
Schrijver, Peter, “Ancillary study: sound change, the Italo-Celtic linguistic unity, and the Italian homeland of Celtic”, in: Koch, John T., Barry Cunliffe [eds], Kerri Cleary, and Catriona D. Gibson [coll. eds] (eds), Celtic from the West 3: Atlantic Europe in the Metal Ages: questions of shared language, Celtic Studies Publications 19, Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2016. 489–502.
Schrijver, Peter, “Zwischen Eisenzeit und christlichem Mittelalter: Der Rinderraub von Cúailnge (Táin bó Cúailnge)”, in: Sauer, Hans, Gisela Seitschek, and Bernhard Teuber (eds), Höhepunkte des mittelalterlichen Erzählens: Heldenlieder, Romane und Novellen in ihrem kulturellen Kontext, Heidelberg: Carl Winter Universitätsverlag, 2016. 41–53.
Schrijver, Peter, “The meaning of Celtic *eburos”, in: Oudaer, Guillaume, Gaël Hily, and Herve Le Bihan (eds), Mélanges en l’honneur de Pierre-Yves Lambert, Rennes: TIR, 2015. 65–76.  
abstract:
There is no doubt that Proto-Celtic possessed a phytonym *eburos. It survives as Old Irish ibar, Middle Welsh efwr, Middle Breton (h)evor. Although we lack control over their lexical meanings, numerous Continental Celtic names beginning with Ebur(o)- can be connected with this etymon, too. The general assumption is that the original meaning of the phytonym is ‘yew tree’: Sanz et al (2011, 450-1), Matasović (2009, 112), Sims-Williams (2006, 78) and Delamarre (2003, 159-60) are some of the most recent proponents of that idea. A notable exception is Dagmar Wodtko (2000), who did not assign a meaning to the proto-form. The aim of this paper is to show that *eburos did not mean ‘yew tree’.
abstract:
There is no doubt that Proto-Celtic possessed a phytonym *eburos. It survives as Old Irish ibar, Middle Welsh efwr, Middle Breton (h)evor. Although we lack control over their lexical meanings, numerous Continental Celtic names beginning with Ebur(o)- can be connected with this etymon, too. The general assumption is that the original meaning of the phytonym is ‘yew tree’: Sanz et al (2011, 450-1), Matasović (2009, 112), Sims-Williams (2006, 78) and Delamarre (2003, 159-60) are some of the most recent proponents of that idea. A notable exception is Dagmar Wodtko (2000), who did not assign a meaning to the proto-form. The aim of this paper is to show that *eburos did not mean ‘yew tree’.
Schrijver, Peter, “Pruners and trainers of the Celtic family tree: the rise and development of Celtic in the light of language contact”, in: Breatnach, Liam, Ruairí Ó hUiginn, Damian McManus, and Katharine Simms (eds), Proceedings of the XIV International Congress of Celtic Studies, held in Maynooth University, 1–5 August 2011, Dublin: School of Celtic Studies, Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies, 2015. 191–219.
Schrijver, Peter, “Middle and Early Modern Breton”, in: Ternes, Elmar [ed.], Brythonic Celtic — Britannisches Keltisch: from medieval British to Modern Breton, Münchner Forschungen zur historischen Sprachwissenschaft 11, Bremen: Hempen, 2011. 359–429.
Schrijver, Peter, “Old British”, in: Ternes, Elmar [ed.], Brythonic Celtic — Britannisches Keltisch: from medieval British to Modern Breton, Münchner Forschungen zur historischen Sprachwissenschaft 11, Bremen: Hempen, 2011. 1–84.
Schrijver, Peter, “Celtic, Romance and Germanic along the nether Rhine limes”, in: García Alonso, Juan Luis [ed.], Celtic and other languages in ancient Europe, Aquilafuente 127, Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 2008. 197–201.
Schrijver, Peter, “What Britons spoke around 400 AD”, in: Higham, N. J. [ed.], Britons in Anglo-Saxon England, Publications of the Manchester Centre for Anglo-Saxon Studies 7, Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007. 165–171.
Schrijver, Peter, “Notes on British Celtic comparatives and their syntax”, in: Nussbaum, Alan J. [ed.], Verba docenti. Studies in historical and Indo-European linguistics presented to Jay H. Jasanoff, Ann Arbor (N.Y.): Beech Stave Press, 2007. 307–319.
Schrijver, Peter, “Some common developments of Continental and Insular Celtic”, in: Lambert, Pierre-Yves, and Georges-Jean Pinault (eds.), Gaulois et celtique continental, Geneve: Droz, 2007. 354–371.
Schrijver, Peter, “The etymology of English weapon, German Waffe and the Indo-European root *hwep-”, in: Hyvärinen, Irma, Petri Kallio, Jarmo Korhonen [eds.], and Leena Kolehmainen [collab.], Etymologie, Entlehnungen und Entwicklungen: Festschrift für Jorma Koivulehto zum 70. Geburtstag, Mémoires de la Société Néophilologique de Helsinki 63, Helsinki: Société Néophilologique, 2006. 355–366.
Schrijver, Peter, “The roscada of Táin bó Cúailnge Recension I, 2428–2454”, in: Smelik, Bernadette, Rijcklof Hofman, Camiel Hamans, and David Cram (eds.), A companion in linguistics: a Festschrift for Anders Ahlqvist on the occasion of his sixtieth birthday, Nijmegen: Stichting Uitgeverij de Keltische Draak, 2005. 92–116.
Schrijver, Peter, “Early Celtic diphthongization and the Celtic-Latin interface”, in: de Hoz, Javier, Eugenio R. Luján, and Patrick Sims-Williams (eds.), New approaches to Celtic place-names in Ptolemy’s Geography, Madrid: Ediciones Clásicas, 2005. 55–67.
Schrijver, Peter, “Indo-European *(s)mer- in Greek and Celtic”, in: Penney, John [ed.], Indo-European perspectives: studies in honour of Anna Morpurgo Davies, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004. 292–299.
Schrijver, Peter, “Der Tod des Festlandkeltischen und die Geburt des Französischen, Niederländischen und Hochdeutschen”, in: Schrijver, Peter, and Peter-Arnold Mumm (eds.), Sprachtod und Sprachgeburt, Bremen: Hempen Verlag, 2004. 1–20.
Schrijver, Peter, “The etymology of Welsh chwith and the semantics and morphology of PIE *k(ʷ)sweibʰ-”, in: Russell, Paul [ed.], Yr hen iaith: studies in early Welsh, Celtic Studies Publications 7, Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications, 2003. 1–23.
Schrijver, Peter, “De etymologie van Iers mart”, in: Genee, Inge, Bart Jaski, and Bernadette Smelik (eds.), Arthur, Brigit, Conn, Deirdre... Verhaal, taal en recht in de Keltische wereld. Liber amicorum voor Leni van Strien-Gerritsen, Nijmegen: Stichting Uitgeverij de Keltische Draak, 2003. 166–170.
Schrijver, Peter, “Early developments of the vowel systems of North-West Germanic and Saami”, in: Bammesberger, Alfred, and Theo Venneman (eds.), Languages in Prehistoric Europe, Heidelberg: Winter, 2003. 195–226.
Schrijver, Peter, “The rise and fall of British Latin: evidence from English and Brittonic”, in: Filppula, Markku, Juhani Klemola, and Heli Pitkänen (eds.), The Celtic roots of English, Studies in Languages 37, Joensuu: University of Joensuu, 2002. 87–110.
Schrijver, Peter, “Lost languages in Northern Europe”, in: Carpelan, Christian, Asko Parpola, and Petteri Koskikallio (eds.), Early contacts between Uralic and Indo-European: linguistic and archaeological considerations. Papers presented at an international symposium held at the Tvärminne Research Station of the University of Helsinki, 8-10 January, 1999, Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 242, Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilainen Seura, 2001. 417–425.
Schrijver, Peter, “Keltisch of niet: twee namen en een verdacht accent”, in: Hofman, Rijcklof, Bernadette Smelik, and Lauran Toorians (eds.), Kelten in Nederland, 2nd ed. (1993), Utrecht: Stichting Uitgeverij de Keltische Draak, 2000. 69–87.
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