Bibliography

Richard
Sharpe
d. 2020

42 publications between 1979 and 2019 indexed
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Works authored

Sharpe, Richard, and Mícheál Hoyne, Clóliosta: printing in the Irish language, 1571–1871. An attempt at narrative bibliography, Online (pre-publication): Dublin Institute for Advanced Studies. URL: <https://www.dias.ie/celt/celt-publications-2/cloliosta/>.
Easting, Robert, and Richard Sharpe, Peter of Cornwall’s Book of Revelations, Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, Studies and Texts 184, Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies; Bodleian Library, 2013. 
abstract:
This is the first book-length study of Peter of Cornwall, prior of Holy Trinity, Aldgate, London, whose Liber Reuelationum (Lambeth Palace Library, MS 51), dated to the year 1200, is a compilation of over 1,100 chapters, excerpted from some 275 Latin texts, dealing with visions of the otherworld and revelatory appearances of God, Christ, Mary, angels, saints, devils, and revenants. Peter’s purpose in collecting such material from saints’ Lives, chronicles, and free-standing vision texts from the first century AD through to his own day was to provide evidence to convince unbelievers of the existence of God, the soul, and life after death. Accounts of new visionary experiences circulating in England in the 1190s doubtless prompted his collection. Like his other large-scale work, Pantheologus, Peter of Cornwall’s Book of Revelations was intended to assist preachers with propagating the fundamentals of the faith. This volume introduces Peter’s life and writings and presents editions with parallel English translations of those parts of the Lambeth manuscript that Peter composed himself. A detailed description of the manuscript is included, and a Calendar identifies the source for each of Peter’s chapters. A bibliography and indices complete this volume, which provides a marvellous resource for scholars interested in the Latin literature of medieval dreams, visionary experience, and the eschatological concerns of sin, penance, death, the afterlife, and the judgement of the soul.
abstract:
This is the first book-length study of Peter of Cornwall, prior of Holy Trinity, Aldgate, London, whose Liber Reuelationum (Lambeth Palace Library, MS 51), dated to the year 1200, is a compilation of over 1,100 chapters, excerpted from some 275 Latin texts, dealing with visions of the otherworld and revelatory appearances of God, Christ, Mary, angels, saints, devils, and revenants. Peter’s purpose in collecting such material from saints’ Lives, chronicles, and free-standing vision texts from the first century AD through to his own day was to provide evidence to convince unbelievers of the existence of God, the soul, and life after death. Accounts of new visionary experiences circulating in England in the 1190s doubtless prompted his collection. Like his other large-scale work, Pantheologus, Peter of Cornwall’s Book of Revelations was intended to assist preachers with propagating the fundamentals of the faith. This volume introduces Peter’s life and writings and presents editions with parallel English translations of those parts of the Lambeth manuscript that Peter composed himself. A detailed description of the manuscript is included, and a Calendar identifies the source for each of Peter’s chapters. A bibliography and indices complete this volume, which provides a marvellous resource for scholars interested in the Latin literature of medieval dreams, visionary experience, and the eschatological concerns of sin, penance, death, the afterlife, and the judgement of the soul.
Sharpe, Richard, Roderick O’Flaherty’s letters to William Molyneux, Edward Lhwyd and Samuel Molyneux, 1696–1709, Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 2013. 
An edition, with introduction and notes, of Roderick O’Flaherty’s letters to William Molyneux, Edward Lhwyd and Samuel Molyneux
abstract:
Roderick O’Flaherty, in Irish, Ruaidhri Ó Flaithbheartaigh (1629–1716/18), was an Irish aristocrat whose father Hugh held the castle and manor of Moycullen, Co. Galway. He was an eminent historian and collector of Irish manuscripts and, as author of Ogygia seu rerum hibernicarum chronologia (London 1685), he enjoyed a high reputation for his learning in the profound antiquities of Ireland. For this reason the great Welsh scholar Edward Lhwyd (1660–1709), when touring Ireland in 1700, visited Ó Flaithbheartaigh at his home in Cois Fhairrge, Co. Galway.

From this meeting a correspondence developed, fitful at first but regular from 1704 to 1708. During this period Ó Flaithbheartaigh read and commented on the sheets of Lhwyd’s Irish–English Dictionary, which was published as part of his Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford 1707). A substantial part of those comments still survives, a window on the making of Lhwyd’s book and on the learned Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s command of his native language.

The correspondence between the two, almost unknown until now, opens up to us the world of a great Irish scholar in the late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth centuries. In this book, the letters are published and commented upon for the first time by leading medievalist Richard Sharpe FBA, Professor of Diplomatic at Oxford and Fellow of Wadham College. Starting with the 29 letters from Ó Flaithbheartaigh to Lhwyd, Sharpe has framed a unique portrait of a Gaelic lord, Latin author, learned historian, and unique witness to Irish antiquarian learning.

Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s Iar Connaught (1684), a lively description of the barony of Moycullen, was written for the philosopher, scientist, member of parliament and political writer, William Molyneux (1656–98), translator of Descartes and founder of the Dublin Philosophical Society. Sharpe also brings together Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s surviving letters to William and the correspondence between Ó Flaithbheartaigh and Molyneux’s son Samuel (1689–1728), who would visit the 80-year-old Ó Flaithbheartaigh in 1709. The letters are edited with rich annotation, and they are preceded by an exceptionally detailed and original biographical study of the life and learning of the author.

Ó Flaithbheartaigh lost his estate through the policy of transplantation under Cromwell and made his home at Park between Spiddal and Furbo. During the reign of King James II, he appears to have returned to Moycullen, but he lost almost everything when King William’s government began to assert control over Galway in 1696. The correspondence from late in his life shows Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s continued involvement at a distance with the world of books and learning in Dublin and Oxford and provides a remarkable insight into scholarly engagement and interchange across cultures and countries.
(source: Royal Irish Academy)
An edition, with introduction and notes, of Roderick O’Flaherty’s letters to William Molyneux, Edward Lhwyd and Samuel Molyneux
abstract:
Roderick O’Flaherty, in Irish, Ruaidhri Ó Flaithbheartaigh (1629–1716/18), was an Irish aristocrat whose father Hugh held the castle and manor of Moycullen, Co. Galway. He was an eminent historian and collector of Irish manuscripts and, as author of Ogygia seu rerum hibernicarum chronologia (London 1685), he enjoyed a high reputation for his learning in the profound antiquities of Ireland. For this reason the great Welsh scholar Edward Lhwyd (1660–1709), when touring Ireland in 1700, visited Ó Flaithbheartaigh at his home in Cois Fhairrge, Co. Galway.

From this meeting a correspondence developed, fitful at first but regular from 1704 to 1708. During this period Ó Flaithbheartaigh read and commented on the sheets of Lhwyd’s Irish–English Dictionary, which was published as part of his Archaeologia Britannica (Oxford 1707). A substantial part of those comments still survives, a window on the making of Lhwyd’s book and on the learned Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s command of his native language.

The correspondence between the two, almost unknown until now, opens up to us the world of a great Irish scholar in the late-seventeenth and early-eighteenth centuries. In this book, the letters are published and commented upon for the first time by leading medievalist Richard Sharpe FBA, Professor of Diplomatic at Oxford and Fellow of Wadham College. Starting with the 29 letters from Ó Flaithbheartaigh to Lhwyd, Sharpe has framed a unique portrait of a Gaelic lord, Latin author, learned historian, and unique witness to Irish antiquarian learning.

Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s Iar Connaught (1684), a lively description of the barony of Moycullen, was written for the philosopher, scientist, member of parliament and political writer, William Molyneux (1656–98), translator of Descartes and founder of the Dublin Philosophical Society. Sharpe also brings together Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s surviving letters to William and the correspondence between Ó Flaithbheartaigh and Molyneux’s son Samuel (1689–1728), who would visit the 80-year-old Ó Flaithbheartaigh in 1709. The letters are edited with rich annotation, and they are preceded by an exceptionally detailed and original biographical study of the life and learning of the author.

Ó Flaithbheartaigh lost his estate through the policy of transplantation under Cromwell and made his home at Park between Spiddal and Furbo. During the reign of King James II, he appears to have returned to Moycullen, but he lost almost everything when King William’s government began to assert control over Galway in 1696. The correspondence from late in his life shows Ó Flaithbheartaigh’s continued involvement at a distance with the world of books and learning in Dublin and Oxford and provides a remarkable insight into scholarly engagement and interchange across cultures and countries.
(source: Royal Irish Academy)
Sharpe, Richard, and James Willoughby (dirs), Medieval libraries of Great Britain, Online: Oxford University. URL: <http://mlgb3.bodleian.ox.ac.uk>.
Sharpe, Richard [tr.], Adomnán of Iona: Life of St. Columba, London, et al.: Penguin Books, 1995.
Sharpe, Richard, Medieval Irish saints’ lives: an introduction to Vitae sanctorum Hiberniae, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1991.
Howlett, D. R. [ed.], A. H. Powell, Richard Sharpe, and P. R. Staniforth [ass.], Dictionary of medieval Latin from British sources, fasc. 4: F–G–H, Oxford: British Academy, 1989.
Bieler, Ludwig, Ireland and the culture of early medieval Europe, ed. Richard Sharpe, Variorum Collected Studies Series 263, London: Variorum Reprints, 1987.
Latham, R. E. [ed.], D. R. Howlett [ed.], A. H. Powell [ass.], and Richard Sharpe [ass.], Dictionary of medieval Latin from British sources, fasc. 3: D–E, Oxford: British Academy, 1986.
Bieler, Ludwig, Studies on the life and legend of St. Patrick, ed. Richard Sharpe, Variorum Collected Studies Series 244, London: Variorum Reprints, 1986.
Lapidge, Michael, and Richard Sharpe, A bibliography of Celtic-Latin literature, 400-1200, Royal Irish Academy Dictionary of Medieval Latin from Celtic Sources, Ancillary Publications 1, Dublin: Royal Irish Academy, 1985.

Works edited

Thacker, Alan, and Richard Sharpe (eds.), Local saints and local churches in the early medieval West, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002.

Contributions to journals

Sharpe, Richard, “Further hidden manuscripts”, Studia Hibernica 44 (2018): 129–134.
Sharpe, Richard, “Génair Pátraicc: Old Irish between print and manuscript, 1647–1853”, Ériu 68 (2018): 1–28. 
abstract:
The ninth-century Old Irish poem Génair Pátraicc was printed with a Latin translation by Fr John Colgan at Louvain in 1647 from one of the manuscripts of the Irish Liber Hymnorum, a collection of the late tenth or early eleventh century. Its early entry into print made it, alongside Ní car Brigit, one of the first pieces of Old Irish to be widely available. This produced, in the first instance, a secondary transmission in manuscript, as it re-entered the native tradition; this was followed by numerous reprints, often with translations based on Colgan's Latin. In the late eighteenth century a Modern Irish translation was made and printed on facing pages by Richard Plunket in 1791, which in turn seems to have entered manuscript transmission. Until J.C. Zeuss revealed the grammar of the Old Irish glosses, this poem was the most widely known example of Old Irish, and it was studied as soon as Zeuss's work became available: it provided Whitley Stokes with an early test for Zeuss's results on a work transmitted down the centuries in Ireland, revealed in his letters to John O'Donovan from 1857. Since Stokes's fifth re-editing of the poem in 1903, it has been largely unstudied.
abstract:
The ninth-century Old Irish poem Génair Pátraicc was printed with a Latin translation by Fr John Colgan at Louvain in 1647 from one of the manuscripts of the Irish Liber Hymnorum, a collection of the late tenth or early eleventh century. Its early entry into print made it, alongside Ní car Brigit, one of the first pieces of Old Irish to be widely available. This produced, in the first instance, a secondary transmission in manuscript, as it re-entered the native tradition; this was followed by numerous reprints, often with translations based on Colgan's Latin. In the late eighteenth century a Modern Irish translation was made and printed on facing pages by Richard Plunket in 1791, which in turn seems to have entered manuscript transmission. Until J.C. Zeuss revealed the grammar of the Old Irish glosses, this poem was the most widely known example of Old Irish, and it was studied as soon as Zeuss's work became available: it provided Whitley Stokes with an early test for Zeuss's results on a work transmitted down the centuries in Ireland, revealed in his letters to John O'Donovan from 1857. Since Stokes's fifth re-editing of the poem in 1903, it has been largely unstudied.
Sharpe, Richard, “Destruction of Irish manuscripts and the National Board of Education”, Studia Hibernica 43 (2017): 95–116. 
abstract:
BL MS Add. 40767 is a nineteenth-century copy of Richard Plunket’s ‘Rugadh Pádraig’, thrown out with other manuscripts by its owner’s descendants in 1899 and rescued by a visitor from Liverpool, who showed four fragments to Kuno Meyer. Meyer wrote to Douglas Hyde, and Hyde wrote to the newspapers, using the episode to castigate the board of intermediate education, which he blamed for the ignorance of Irish language and literature that lay behind such destruction. He was much engaged in an argument over Irish in schools, but here he brings the preservation of modern vernacular manuscripts into the discussion. He shows himself well aware of the important collections in the Royal Irish Academy, but he is at the same time critical of the Academy, whether in line with external prejudice or in the hope of inducing greater effort. Saving manuscripts was not high on the agenda of the Gaelic League, and, though Hyde was himself a collector, he offered no remedy for the loss of manuscripts other than a revival of the use of Irish.
abstract:
BL MS Add. 40767 is a nineteenth-century copy of Richard Plunket’s ‘Rugadh Pádraig’, thrown out with other manuscripts by its owner’s descendants in 1899 and rescued by a visitor from Liverpool, who showed four fragments to Kuno Meyer. Meyer wrote to Douglas Hyde, and Hyde wrote to the newspapers, using the episode to castigate the board of intermediate education, which he blamed for the ignorance of Irish language and literature that lay behind such destruction. He was much engaged in an argument over Irish in schools, but here he brings the preservation of modern vernacular manuscripts into the discussion. He shows himself well aware of the important collections in the Royal Irish Academy, but he is at the same time critical of the Academy, whether in line with external prejudice or in the hope of inducing greater effort. Saving manuscripts was not high on the agenda of the Gaelic League, and, though Hyde was himself a collector, he offered no remedy for the loss of manuscripts other than a revival of the use of Irish.
Sharpe, Richard, “Richard Plunket (fl. 1772–1791): ‘a neglected genius of the county of Meath’”, Ríocht na Mídhe 28 (2017): 191–203.
Sharpe, Richard, “Humfrey Wanley, Bishop John O’Brien, and the colophons of Mael Brigte’s gospels”, Celtica 29 (2017): 251–292. 
abstract:
Mael Brigte's Gospels, BL MS Harley 1802, a manuscript written at Armagh in the twelfth century, is datable from reference in its colophons to the killing of Cormac Mac Carthaig, king of Munster and of Ireland. The date was first worked out as 1139 from unpublished annals by Humfrey Wanley (1672-1726), Harley's librarian, in 1713-14, in a remarkable piece of scholarship. Wanley understood the importance of a dated manuscript as a basis for palaeographical judgement of undated books. The manuscript and, almost certainly, Wanley's discussion came to the notice of John O'Brien (1701-1769), bishop of Cloyne, who saw the manuscript in the British Museum in 1767. Using the so-called Dublin Annals of Inisfallen, compiled for him by Fr John Connery, O'Brien was able to refine the dating to 1138, and he added a discussion of this colophon when he prepared his Focaloir for the press in 1767-8. The tenor of one colophon's reference to Cormac's killing is interpreted as itself significant: from the perspective of the all-Ireland primatial see where Mael Brigte wrote, the killing of King Cormac ended hope of a faithful all-Ireland monarchy. The colophon can be read as a contemporary judgement.
(source: Oxford University Research Archives)
abstract:
Mael Brigte's Gospels, BL MS Harley 1802, a manuscript written at Armagh in the twelfth century, is datable from reference in its colophons to the killing of Cormac Mac Carthaig, king of Munster and of Ireland. The date was first worked out as 1139 from unpublished annals by Humfrey Wanley (1672-1726), Harley's librarian, in 1713-14, in a remarkable piece of scholarship. Wanley understood the importance of a dated manuscript as a basis for palaeographical judgement of undated books. The manuscript and, almost certainly, Wanley's discussion came to the notice of John O'Brien (1701-1769), bishop of Cloyne, who saw the manuscript in the British Museum in 1767. Using the so-called Dublin Annals of Inisfallen, compiled for him by Fr John Connery, O'Brien was able to refine the dating to 1138, and he added a discussion of this colophon when he prepared his Focaloir for the press in 1767-8. The tenor of one colophon's reference to Cormac's killing is interpreted as itself significant: from the perspective of the all-Ireland primatial see where Mael Brigte wrote, the killing of King Cormac ended hope of a faithful all-Ireland monarchy. The colophon can be read as a contemporary judgement.
(source: Oxford University Research Archives)
Sharpe, Richard, “King William and the Brecc Bennach in 1211: reliquary or holy banner?”, Innes Review 66:2 (2015): 163–190. 
abstract:
In his Rhind Lectures of 1879 Joseph Anderson argued for identifying the Monymusk Reliquary, now in the National Museum of Scotland, with the Brecc Bennach, something whose custody was granted to Arbroath abbey by King William in 1211. In 2001 David H. Caldwell called this into question with good reason. Part of the argument relied on different interpretations of the word uexillum, ‘banner’, taken for a portable shrine by William Reeves and for a reliquary used as battle-standard by Anderson. It is argued here that none of this is relevant to the question. The Brecc Bennach is called a banner only as a guess at its long-forgotten nature in two late deeds. The word brecc, however, is used in the name of an extant reliquary, Brecc Máedóc, and Anderson was correct to think this provided a clue to the real nature of the Brecc Bennach. It was almost certainly a small portable reliquary, of unknown provenance but associated with St Columba. The king granted custody to the monks of Arbroath at a time when he was facing a rebellion in Ross, posing intriguing questions about his intentions towards this old Gaelic object of veneration.
(source: Publisher)
abstract:
In his Rhind Lectures of 1879 Joseph Anderson argued for identifying the Monymusk Reliquary, now in the National Museum of Scotland, with the Brecc Bennach, something whose custody was granted to Arbroath abbey by King William in 1211. In 2001 David H. Caldwell called this into question with good reason. Part of the argument relied on different interpretations of the word uexillum, ‘banner’, taken for a portable shrine by William Reeves and for a reliquary used as battle-standard by Anderson. It is argued here that none of this is relevant to the question. The Brecc Bennach is called a banner only as a guess at its long-forgotten nature in two late deeds. The word brecc, however, is used in the name of an extant reliquary, Brecc Máedóc, and Anderson was correct to think this provided a clue to the real nature of the Brecc Bennach. It was almost certainly a small portable reliquary, of unknown provenance but associated with St Columba. The king granted custody to the monks of Arbroath at a time when he was facing a rebellion in Ross, posing intriguing questions about his intentions towards this old Gaelic object of veneration.
(source: Publisher)
Sharpe, Richard, “Medieval manuscripts found at Bonamargy friary and other hidden manuscripts”, Studia Hibernica 41 (2015): 49–85. 
abstract:
The well-documented story that four manuscripts were found during building work in the ruins of Bonamargy friary in or before 1822 is tested and found not to fit the assumptions that have been brought to it. The books could not have been old Franciscan books, hidden by the friars, and it is not even apparent that they were deliberately hidden. Other manuscripts now known have stories about their hiding or their discovery, and some are patently false, others become doubtful when probed, such that the idea of deliberate hiding of manuscripts is scarcely credible. The Book of Lismore was found, neglected, it appears, in Lismore castle. The Domnach Airgid was, apparently hidden as a relic and retrieved soon afterwards at the time of the Williamite war. The Book of Dimma was never hidden, and the manuscripts at Cong may have been lost long before the story told about them. The finding of the Stowe Missal in an old wall is a story not attested before Eugene O’Curry (1841), who had shortly before worked on the Book of Lismore. The Bonamargy books remain unexplained.
abstract:
The well-documented story that four manuscripts were found during building work in the ruins of Bonamargy friary in or before 1822 is tested and found not to fit the assumptions that have been brought to it. The books could not have been old Franciscan books, hidden by the friars, and it is not even apparent that they were deliberately hidden. Other manuscripts now known have stories about their hiding or their discovery, and some are patently false, others become doubtful when probed, such that the idea of deliberate hiding of manuscripts is scarcely credible. The Book of Lismore was found, neglected, it appears, in Lismore castle. The Domnach Airgid was, apparently hidden as a relic and retrieved soon afterwards at the time of the Williamite war. The Book of Dimma was never hidden, and the manuscripts at Cong may have been lost long before the story told about them. The finding of the Stowe Missal in an old wall is a story not attested before Eugene O’Curry (1841), who had shortly before worked on the Book of Lismore. The Bonamargy books remain unexplained.
Sharpe, Richard, “Muiris Ó Gormáin’s book-lists and T. F. O’Rahilly”, Celtica 27 (2013): 114–118.
Sharpe, Richard, “Books from Ireland, fifth to ninth centuries”, Peritia 21 (2010): 1–55.
Sharpe, Richard, “Claf Abercuawg and the voice of Llywarch Hen”, Studia Celtica 43 (2009): 95–121.
Sharpe, Richard, “Were there British bishops at the council of Serdica, AD 343?”, Peritia 15 (2001): 188–194.
Sharpe, Richard, “An Irish textual critic and the Carmen paschale of Sedulius: Colmán’s letter to Feradach”, The Journal of Medieval Latin 2 (1992): 44–54.
Sharpe, Richard, “Maghnus Ó Domhnaill’s source for Adomnán’s Vita S. Columbae and other vitae”, Celtica 21 (1990): 604–607.
Sharpe, Richard, “The origin and elaboration of the Catalogus praecipuorum sanctorum Hiberniae attributed to Henry FitzSimon, SJ”, Bodleian Library Record 13:3 (1989): 202–230.
Sharpe, Richard, “Latin and Irish words for ‘book-satchel’”, Peritia 4 (1985): 152–156.
Sharpe, Richard, “Alfred for all [Review of: Keynes, Simon, and Michael Lapidge (trs.), Alfred the Great: Asser's Life of King Alfred and other contemporary sources, Penguin Classics, Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1983]”, Peritia 3 (1984): 570–572.
Sharpe, Richard, “Some problems concerning the organization of the church in early medieval Ireland”, Peritia 3 (1984): 230–270.
Sharpe, Richard, “Were the Irish annals known to a twelfth-century Northumbrian writer?”, Peritia 2 (1983): 137–139.
Sharpe, Richard, “Vitae S Brigidae: the oldest texts”, Peritia 1 (1982): 81–106.
Sharpe, Richard, “Palaeographical considerations in the study of the Patrician documents in the Book of Armagh”, Scriptorium 36:1 (1982): 3–28.
Sharpe, Richard, “St Patrick and the see of Armagh”, Cambridge Medieval Celtic Studies 4 (Winter, 1982): 33–59.
Sharpe, Richard, “Hiberno-Latin laicus, Irish láech and the Devil’s men”, Ériu 30 (1979): 75–92.

Contributions to edited collections or authored works

Sharpe, Richard, “Seán Ó Cléirigh and his manuscripts”, in: Moran, Pádraic, and Immo Warntjes (eds), Early medieval Ireland and Europe: chronology, contacts, scholarship. A Festschrift for Dáibhí Ó Cróinín, Studia Traditionis Theologiae 14, Turnhout: Brepols, 2015. 645–670. 
abstract:
Seán Ó Cléirigh (†1846) was fifth in descent from Cú Choigcríche Ó Cléirigh (†1665), one of the Four Masters, and in 1817 he brought to Dublin five manuscripts in the hand of or in one case merely owned by his ancestor and sold them. During the 1840s different stories circulated about this transaction, put on record by Eugene O’Curry and John O’Donovan, and this paper draws together the evidence that shows, for the first time, that Ó Cleirigh sold manuscripts to three different buyers, Edward O’Reilly, William Monck Mason, and Patrick Lynch. All survive, but one was split into parts at the time of the sales. The increase in prices during the 1830s and 1840s appears to have led Seán Ó Cléirigh to argue that these manuscripts had not been sold but merely lent to Edward O’Reilly.
abstract:
Seán Ó Cléirigh (†1846) was fifth in descent from Cú Choigcríche Ó Cléirigh (†1665), one of the Four Masters, and in 1817 he brought to Dublin five manuscripts in the hand of or in one case merely owned by his ancestor and sold them. During the 1840s different stories circulated about this transaction, put on record by Eugene O’Curry and John O’Donovan, and this paper draws together the evidence that shows, for the first time, that Ó Cleirigh sold manuscripts to three different buyers, Edward O’Reilly, William Monck Mason, and Patrick Lynch. All survive, but one was split into parts at the time of the sales. The increase in prices during the 1830s and 1840s appears to have led Seán Ó Cléirigh to argue that these manuscripts had not been sold but merely lent to Edward O’Reilly.
Sharpe, Richard, “Which text is Rhygyfarch's Life of St David?”, in: Evans, J. Wyn, and Jonathan M. Wooding (eds.), St David of Wales: cult, church and nation, Studies in Celtic History 24, Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007. 90–106.
Sharpe, Richard, “Rhygyfarch's Life of St David”, in: Evans, J. Wyn, and Jonathan M. Wooding (eds.), St David of Wales: cult, church and nation, Studies in Celtic History 24, Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2007. 107–155.
Sharpe, Richard, “Martyrs and local saints in Late Antique Britain”, in: Thacker, Alan, and Richard Sharpe (eds.), Local saints and local churches in the early medieval West, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2002. 75–154.
Sharpe, Richard, “The thriving of Dalriada”, in: Taylor, Simon (ed.), Kings, clerics and chronicles in Scotland, 500–1297: essays in honour of Marjorie Ogilvie Anderson on the occasion of her ninetieth birthday, Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2000. 47–61.
Sharpe, Richard, “Quattuor sanctissimi episcopi: Irish saints before St Patrick”, in: Ó Corráin, Donnchadh, Liam Breatnach, and Kim R. McCone (eds.), Sages, saints and storytellers: Celtic studies in honour of Professor James Carney, Maynooth Monographs 2, Maynooth: An Sagart, 1989. 376–399.
Sharpe, Richard, “Dispute settlement in medieval Ireland: a preliminary inquiry”, in: Davies, Wendy, and Paul Fouracre (eds), The settlement of disputes in early medieval Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986. 169–189.
Sharpe, Richard, “Gildas as a Father of the Church”, in: Lapidge, Michael, and David N. Dumville (eds.), Gildas: new approaches, Studies in Celtic History 5, Cambridge: Boydell Press, 1984. 193–205.